THE NOT-SO VICTORIOUS ANNA

'A week is a long time in Politics'- Harold Wilson.
If this saying is true, then India witnessed a substantial catastrophic movement in the polity which witnessed a remarkable spectre of ups and downs in the thirteen day long fasting session by Anna Hazare. Every idea has its context. The raging feelings behind the Team Anna moves was the rampant corruption as pointed out by the reports of Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) upon 2-G spectrum, Commonwealth Games, juxtaposed with misuse of Central Bureau of Investigation as a tool of political vendetta, falling standards of political executive, inflation, doubts upon credibility of political institutions like legislature, weak moral standards, amongst others.

The Anna crusaders did a Herculean task of giving Indian citizens a platform to raise voice against corruption as a systemic problem. It gave a voice to all people, cutting across caste and creed, north and south divide, to fight for a corruption free India. With people out on streets, tri-color flags all over, people wearing Anna caps; it gave a glimpse of a vibrant nation united for a common cause where the malaise affected all. Further, even on street or at home, the media was at its best to give every minute update.

Imposition of Section 144, arresting Anna before he began fast, releasing him and hoping that the movement shall lose its sheen after some time were the errors of the government. With time, the arrogance of power of Congress stalwarts was tamed. The legislative business was put on fast track and the historic session on 27 August 2011 lead to consideration of two other drafts of Lok Pal, besides the government draft, namely the Jan Lok Pal and Aruna Roy's version of Lokpal.

The day saw some stellar speeches in the house. There were echoes upon supremacy of Parliament as law making institution, the inaction of the government on the rampant corruption, serious critique that mere street power cannot be claim to a sovereign mandate as people power as against the Members of Parliament, issue of disrespect shown by mocking the MPs, uneasiness of the Anna crusaders over the government draft covering all NGOs, and not just the ones with government funding. Further, a sense of the house besides passing the resolution on the three contentious Anna demands was also that a politician is often one of the most vulnerable soft targets. It is easy to sit back and criticise but very tough to deliver. The profession is not permanent, and the yardstick of continuity for veteran honest Parliamentarians like Somnath Chatterjee, P. A. Sangma, and late P. M. Sayeed has been their perception of their 'janta' as 'ann-data' (voters as supreme). Politics demands constant engagement with reality and rising expectations against the backdrop of limited resources. It is an exercise to be dictated by an outside authority, but practised and learned with experience on the ground.

As the announcement of passing the resolution came, the country was up in joy. There was a contested claim that it is Anna's victory over the team Manmohan as an indictment of Parliament, others saw it as a win-win situation, where the Parliament reflected the will of its people. There were also debates that it is a time of end of Anna's mobocracy at the Ram Lila Maidan and victory of Parliamentary democracy by fine tuning its legislative business.



The average Indian who rejoices with half-won Anna victory has nothing to be happy about. The three demands- namely incorporation of lower bureaucracy under Lokpal, Lok-ayuktas in all states and citizens charter leave much to be desired from the perception of a strong Lokpal what Team Anna had projected.

Mere sticking of citizen’s charter in all government offices and incorporation of lower bureaucracy is a way forward yet no guarantee of corruption free nation. The citizens need to have the will inside them to imbibe it in their daily lives. Castigating the political set up for all sins shall do no good. So does the team Anna which is always resounding high on morality take guarantee that the Indian denizens will also give up their nature of getting tasks done by short-cuts e.g.: donations to get children placed in colleges, making relatives as proxy for getting government schemes amongst several others. It is hoped that they do not start another line of protests in this regard as ethics are not forced, but cultivated with generations and time.

Further, the team Anna has always shown a traditional orthodox approach to issues of polity. It is just related to the state and government. There are multiple stake holders that have a decisive say in governance like media, corporate houses, vested interests of certain civil society groups and NGOs, universities, other private players. Delimiting the agenda of corruption to the institution of executive and legislature is a blinkered vision of current global reality.

India is a federal polity with power sharing between the Union-states. The provision of Lok-ayukt with equal powers as Lokpal affects the power sharing interest, which has to be concluded with prompt consultation with stakeholders, and not just forcing upon them. Further, the selection of personnel to handle it and their accountability thereof are other crucial issues.

As against the erstwhile demands of the Anna crusaders, the Lok Pal draft has been now sent to the standing committee. The bill shall see the light of the day as a codified law at no time now and only at the time of Winter Session of Parliament in November. The institution of Prime Minister shall be included in a thin way. Further MPs are not being deliberated to be incorporated in this law. Its claim to deepen democracy is only true to the fact that the political class rose up in unanimous to counter attack its strategy.

As a movement it did galvanise the masses, yet in its pressure tactics it failed to check-mate the political executive in the supreme law making institution.